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, by Vincent Crapanzano
Free PDF , by Vincent Crapanzano
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Product details
File Size: 961 KB
Print Length: 253 pages
Publisher: University of Chicago Press (June 15, 2011)
Publication Date: June 15, 2011
Sold by: Amazon Digital Services LLC
Language: English
ASIN: B0097E4NJO
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In Writing Culture, a collection of essays published in 1986, Vincent Crapanzano accused Clifford Geertz of foul writing and raised against him charges of ethnocentrism, male chauvinism, and sloppy metaphors. Knowing Geertz's exacting style and cultural sensitivity, the least one can say is that Crapanzano set the bar very high for himself. Actually, he didn't have to raise himself up to reach that standard: others did it for him, and proposed his earlier writings as an example of what a postmodern ethnography should look like. In the same collection of essays, Stephen Tyler called forth the formation of a post-modern ethnography that would experiment with new forms of writing and pay attention to the reciprocity of perspectives, the dialogic context of fieldwork, and the fragmentary nature of experience. He recognized that instances of such a postmodern ethnography were few, but he specifically referred to Crapanzano's Tuhami: Portrait of a Moroccan. Written in the same vein, The Harkis: The Wound That Never Heals could also fall within this category of postmodern ethnography. What makes it postmodern, and is it still ethnography?People usually associate postmodernism with difficult words such as hermeneutics, post-structuralism, semiotics, or deconstruction; less often with plain speaking and accessibility of style. The Harkis comes without theoretical strings attached. Sentences are short, style is accessible, and reading poses no particular difficulty. Scholarly references are few and woven into the text or relegated in footnotes. Authors like Pierre Bourdieu or Giorgio Agamben are conveyed to bring perspectives and enrich meaning, but they do not form part of a theoretical argument. The narrative follows a chronological progression: the historical background of the "events" that pitted the French colonists and army contingents against the Algerian population and the FLN; the formation of auxiliary troops or harkas assisting the French in their counter-insurgency operations; the massacres of Algerian auxiliaries that took place after the Evian agreements and the messy exodus of those who succeeded to escape; their relegation by the French authorities in "temporary" internment camps or forest hamlets isolated from the rest of the French population; the mobilization, mostly led by their children, to claim recognition and elicit formal apology from the French state; and the transmission of memory from one generation to the next.The author's theoretical perspective, if any, is from ethnopsychiatry and the psychological effects of traumatic experience, which can sometimes straddle generations, as when the sins of the fathers are visited upon the children. But the author's voice claims no particular authority. He brings into the text a multiplicity of perspectives: those of the Harkis themselves, as well as of their children, particularly those who were raised in the camps; but also those of French officers and soldiers who fought in the war, of bureaucrats who dealt with the "Harki problem", of former members of the FLN, of Algerians living in France, and of ordinary French commenting the author's research. No one holds the absolute truth about the Harkis: each perspective is partial, fragmentary, and subjective. The anthropologist's viewpoint is only one among many ways of constructing the situation of the Harkis and of understanding their plight. The researcher's construction can never achieve the goal of accounting for the other's life experience, for the mind and subjective perception of the other always remain opaque. As Crapanzano notes, our engagement with other people is always mediated "by language and our perception of language, by translation and our understanding of translation, by narrative and descriptive conventions and our critical acknowledgment of those conventions, and by our projective capacities and our appraisal of those capacities."It has become commonplace in modern ethnography to name and quote informants more fully and to introduce personal elements into the text. Crapanzano goes beyond mere quotation: he understands the ethnographic encounter as a situation of cooperative story-making, and insists on the role of the researcher's engagement with the subject in the informal co-construction of the subject's experience. He eschews formal interviews or structured questioning and frames his contacts with informers as conversations and verbal exchanges. He is as attentive to the silences, gestures, and nonverbal contexts of his encounters as to what is being said. In quoting a person, he specifies his own relationship with the informant, the context of the conversation, and his reaction to the remark. As he explains, "I hope my references to individual Harkis will remind the reader that each Harki is a singular individual whose individuality resists its subsumption, not only in the inevitable stereotypes of social description, but also in the collectivized identity demanded by political action."Perspectival relativity is associated with authorial disengagement. The author points out that he has no political axe to grind or no skin in the game; but he confesses he was "caught" by the Harkis. This capture is inherent in the ethnographic encounter: "so intense and prolonged is ethnographers' engagement with the people they study that they can never fully abandon the commitment and consequent obligations to them that comes with their research." In the case of The Harkis, both the grievances of the stigmatized population and the American citizenship of the author played a part in framing their encounter. From the start, the Harkis and their children turned him into a witness of what they had suffered and offered testimonies by way of descriptions. As Crapanzano acknowledges, "the Harkis gave me their words, and, in receiving them, I was assumed to have given my word, not only to be faithful to what they had confided in me, but also to do whatever I could to make their case known in the English-speaking world."These expectations, although partly solicited by the ethnographer, were not easy to bear and sometimes produced misunderstandings or even resentment. Crapanzano confesses it bluntly: "I admit to a certain impatience, a troubling irritation, that some of the Harkis and especially their children produced in me at times." It is not only that the author does not want to testify for the Harkis' cause and be enrolled in their campaign for recognition: he feels ambivalent toward their very identity, and sometimes unconsciously projects upon them the stigmata and prejudices held by some segments of French or Algerian public opinion. This stigmatization transpires in the use of words that are meant to disturb and unsettle, such as the many references to the semantic field of "treason". The Harkis are described as having been betrayed by the French, but also as having betrayed their people and being stigmatized by them as traitors. The "wound that never heals" is this constant rumination of betrayal and abandonment by old soldiers who are locked in their silence. They would prefer to forget the war, but they cannot, however hard they try, because it has molded their identity. As for the children of the Harkis, particularly for those who were raised in the camps, they suffer a double wound: that of the pain they themselves suffered in their upbringing and that which arises from their father's stubborn silence. It is with them, particularly the activists among them, that the author did the bulk of his research.Despite the author's oratory precautions, words like "traitors" and, even more, "collabos", are weapons that hurt and could even kill when they were articulated in a war context. They elicit complex feelings: as Crapanzano notes, the Harkis "inspire in the French, and, no doubt, in the Algerians, memories they would prefer not to remember and judgments they would prefer not to acknowledge." The word "collabo", attributed to no specific interlocutor but which the author claims to have heard being used on several occasions, is particularly offensive. Not only does it assimilate the Algerian war auxiliaries to the French wicked souls who collaborated with the Nazi occupiers during World War II, but it also indirectly compares the French fighting in Algeria with those same Nazis. No wonder many French citizens, including Harkis and their offsprings, felt insulted when this word was used during a TV interview by a visiting head of state.As Crapanzano notes, "however hard anthropologists try, the people they worked with are always a silent but insistent--a determining--audience." He wrote his book under the implicit promise that he would be as true to the Harkis as he could, and along the assumption that he would count Harkis' children, as well as French and Algerian intellectuals, among his readers. Indeed, he adapted his manuscript to these audiences. The second chapter in the original edition discusses a play, Le nom du Père, by an Algerian playwright, whose protagonist is a Harki. Harki associations in France found the play offensive and tried to stop its performance in protests and through the courts. This second chapter has been deleted from the French edition, published in 2012 by Les Editions Gallimard. Was it an editorial choice to shorten the manuscript, or did it stem from the author's decision not to stir controversy and rub a sore spot among his implicit audience? Wounds take time to heal, and some linger forever.
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